Since the beginning of the intra-Afghan Doha peace talks last September, women’s rights have been hotly contested – through the topic’s absence during the dialogue. The Doha peace talks have predominantly ignored the topic of women’s subjugation, despite the Taliban ostensibly having promised to respect women’s rights. This more closely reflects the reality that Afghan women continue to see today, even after decades of home-grown progress.

The reality

In many areas, education continues to be denied to girls and women past puberty, in addition to education no longer being feasible for young children in war-torn areas. Girls who are able to go to school require assurance of their protection, as evident in the tragic attack on a Kabul secondary school in May, which predominantly affected schoolgirls from the Hazara community. The need for guaranteed protection is only heightened as violence continues to increase across Afghanistan as the US and NATO withdraw, leaving the fate of girls and women uncertain. This begins with involving more women in the peace delegation on the government side, who will not only be able to advocate for women’s rights, but the rights of all Afghans. Currently, there are only four urban women in the 21-person negotiating team, reflecting the wider trend of rural people, above all women, being absent from high-level politics.

The divide

Despite great progress for women, thanks to the tireless work of women’s activists in and out of the country, progress has not affected all Afghan women equally. Urban women from a higher social class find resources and freedoms more readily accessible. Conversely, partially due to the Taliban’s strongholds being located in rural areas, rural girls have no access to state-delivered education or healthcare. The violence only heightened by the pandemic, girls and women continue to disproportionately shoulder the effects of violence in and outside the home. Moreover, a lack of education has been proven to increase the likelihood of domestic violence, teenage pregnancy and child marriage, with UNICEF anticipating 10 million more child brides worldwide in the forthcoming decade due the pandemic. This will disproportionately affect those in lower socioeconomic brackets and in less stable financial situations, as greater financial instability is often a precursor to child marriage.

The Afghanistan of the future must ensure that all women have their rights secured and safeguarded, to avoid mere lip-service. This includes free movement to healthcare services, education and economic freedom, in addition to a life free from violence. Women are of course vital to building this peaceful future, so it is imperative that women are included more and more in negotiation, the local building and construction of intellectual, political and civil infrastructure, and as leaders in the workforce and vocational fields. This will enable women to have other women to turn to, including in positions of relative power, to ensure that they too are protected. To exemplify, increasing the number of women teachers at all levels is crucial to encouraging more girls and women in education, in addition to better safeguarding measures.

The digital future

Moreover, the rise of digital infrastructure, in place partly due to the pandemic, has great potential to offer high-quality low-cost education, basic healthcare services and other civil services to rural populations with greater ease. This could potentially circumvent one of the main bottlenecks to state-run education for girls, the budget. Digital communication can also build community and support for women across positions at different levels, who may find themselves faced with intimidation, discrimination and violence. Digital media can also help urban women connect with rural women, to better understand their needs so that they may better advocate for women across the country. It could also help men and women from across the nation better understand the harmful stereotypes which go on to incite violence against women and limit their opportunities, such as the Afghan Ministry of Education banning girls over 12 from singing at mixed-gender events. With change starting from the home, hopefully more and more Afghans will make it clear that an Afghanistan without more progression in women’s rights is not an Afghanistan they would like to have.

Through various channels, including through mobilisation work on the ground, foreign policy and state-level politics, there have been many calls to advocate for women more publicly. The Taliban must understand that genuinely respecting women’s freedom in their actions is a non-negotiable requirement for them to participate in party politics, particularly if they seek recognition from international actors as a political party. It is clear that the members of the Taliban are at least aware of this need on the surface, due to their ‘flexible’ rhetoric being an important facet of their public relations, but how far does this commitment run? Not in any way deep, if the Doha talks are any indication. On the government’s side, both signal gestures, such as involving prominent Afghan women activists, and genuinely effective on the ground advocacy are needed to ensure that the Taliban are aware that the government, Afghan people and international community will hold them accountable. Using dialogue to ‘convince’ the Taliban of the importance of women’s rights is no longer on the table – after decades of such work, little real change is evident in their stance. We must demand genuine protection and progression of women’s rights. They must be confronted with the reality that women’s rights are rights for everyone.

If you would like to learn more, please look at the Afghanistan Working Paper that the NCF has written in collaboration with the Kabul Institute of Peace.

Photo credit: https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/04/07/defending-womens-rights-in-afghanistan-lives-on-the-line/